REX z; GEORGE, MACDONALD, MAXTON, AND OTHERS Corrupt Practices The Political Bribery case was concluded at the Old Bailey to-day, when nearly four hundred Members of Parhament crowded the dock Mr Justice Trout {in his summing-up to the jury) You have heard the lengthy and well-paid addresses of counsel, and you will now, if you can, divert your gaze from the distinguished figures in that dock and pay some attention to me The pnsoners include the whole of the Parhamen- tary Labour and Liberal Parties, His Majesty's Ministers (with three exceptions) and the man George They are charged under a section of the Corrupt Practices Act, 1854 (incorporated m the Corrupt Practices Act, 1883), which says that any person shall be guilty of bribery who ^shall directly or indirectly^ by himself or by any other person on his behalf y give or procurcy or agree to give or procure^ or ojer, promise, or promise to procurey or to endeavour to procure any office or employment to or for any voter y or to or for any person on behalf of any voter y or to or for any other person in order to induce such votes or refrain from voting ’ Now, you have heard in evidence that at the last General Parhamentary Election all the accused persons presentedf themselves as candidates to their respective constituencies, and the evidence is clear also in every case that they did promise to procure employ- ment for certain voters, as a result of which promises they did induce the exercise of millions of votes m their own mterest The promises varied m extent and con- fidence Some of the prisoners contented themselves with promismg to procure employment for particular sections of the people in particular trades, such as coal- mimng, or the cotton mdustry, others promised to find ‘Work for AH’, and among these must be numbered the prisoner George, whose generous behef in his own capacity to find remunerative employment for all our citizens made a special impression on some of the witnesses There is very httle evidence that their promises have in fact been carried out, but that is not a relevant consideration The charge is one of bribery, not of deceit or false pretences (though that aspect of the matter may call for mqmry on some other occasion) It IS sufficient for the prosecution m this case to prove that the undertakings were made and that votes were given in return for them. It may occur to you, gentlemen, members of a later generation than my own, to inquire why these facts, if proved, should constitute an offence The answer is that m the year 1854 ^ very different view of the nature and responsibihties of the vote was held from that which IS common to-day In the much-abused nme- teenth century the exercise of the sufifirage was valued more as a pubhc duty than as a pnvate right. Men voted, or were expected to vote, after long mternal debate, for reasons directed to the general welfare, to remove an mcompetent Ministry, to uphold the honour or save the soul of their country, to 'defend rehgion or succour ihe oppressed, but not to advance their personal fortunes And Parliament, m the statutes already cited, took special steps to secure that the vote should never be bartered for private material gam, whether m the shape of money, place, or employment All this, as some of the prisoners confessed, almost with pride, has changed It is now a commonplace for Parliamentary candidates to mvite the support of the voter by the simple assurance that, if they are elected, the voter will receive more money, more food, and more material pleasure It is odd, perhaps, that this increase of materialism in pohtics should coincide with the advent to power of certain political parties which claim a monopoly of ideals, but it is the fact The result is that the vote is generally regarded not as a precious instrument by which each man may do his country good, but as a weapon of offence or cajolery by which his country may be influenced to satisfy lus material desires If this is the state of the public mmd (and that is not, I think, m dispute), it follows that those laws which govern the conduct of elections must be enforced with especial seventy and watchfulness Our conditions, in some cases our consciences, may have changed, but the law remains the same It is an offence to persuade the citizen to vote for this man or for that by holding out promises to provide him with employment, for this is to corrupt the character not only of the candidate but of the voter It is also to brmg mto the arena of pohtical warfare matters of trade and industry which are much better left out of it, but that is by the way There is no doubt m my mmd, and there can be httle in yours, that this offence — ^the offence of bribery — ^has been commit- ted by all the pMsoners The penalties provided by the Act are heavy> but you must not be deterred by that consideration from brmging in a true verdict The penalties are twelve months’ imprisonment, with or without hard labour (or a fine of two hundred pounds), deprivation of the suffrage for seven years, and removal from and disqualification for any public office, and if the offender be a candidate, he also loses his seat (if elected) and is disqualified for ever from representmg the constituency Gentlemen, you will now consider your verdict The jury, without leaving the box, found all the pnsoners guilty, and m imposing the maximum sentences the judge said I have decided to inflict imprisonment rather than a fine m order to ensure that none of these persons shall be free to take part m the approachmg General Election It has been urged before me that the sudden mcarceration of the whole Cabmet may cause some trouble, but I am satisfied that the mconvenience will be both trifling and temporary Two hundred Members of the House of Commons will stiU remam at large, and these should without difficulty be able to provide a Government I may add that these proceedmgs were taken at the instance of a Mr Albert Haddock, and the nation has to thank him, not for the first time, for his enterprise and pubhc spirit Note — ^This case, decided m January, 1931, had a profound influence upon the technique of pphtics In the election which followed the ‘crisis’ of the autumn, 1931, His Majesty’s Ministers vied with each other in promismg the electors not benefits but blows ‘We have reduced,’ they said, ‘your wages and your allowances and increased your taxes, and if we arc elected there may be worse to come * The more they threatened and bullied the people the more the people cheered The Government was returned to power by an imparalleled majority, while those who promised the people more work and higher wag^ and allowances were almost obhtcratcv
Wednesday, October 13, 2004
Westminster Bribery Case
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