REX z; GEORGE, MACDONALD, MAXTON,
AND OTHERS
Corrupt Practices
The Political Bribery case was concluded at the Old
Bailey to-day, when nearly four hundred Members of
Parhament crowded the dock
Mr Justice Trout {in his summing-up to the jury) You
have heard the lengthy and well-paid addresses of
counsel, and you will now, if you can, divert your gaze
from the distinguished figures in that dock and pay
some attention to me
The pnsoners include the whole of the Parhamen-
tary Labour and Liberal Parties, His Majesty's Ministers
(with three exceptions) and the man George They
are charged under a section of the Corrupt Practices
Act, 1854 (incorporated m the Corrupt Practices Act,
1883), which says that any person shall be guilty of
bribery who
^shall directly or indirectly^ by himself or by any other
person on his behalf y give or procurcy or agree to give or
procure^ or ojer, promise, or promise to procurey or to
endeavour to procure any office or employment to or for any
voter y or to or for any person on behalf of any voter y or to or
for any other person in order to induce such votes or refrain
from voting ’
Now, you have heard in evidence that at the last
General Parhamentary Election all the accused
persons presentedf themselves as candidates to their
respective constituencies, and the evidence is clear also
in every case that they did promise to procure employ-
ment for certain voters, as a result of which promises
they did induce the exercise of millions of votes m their
own mterest The promises varied m extent and con-
fidence Some of the prisoners contented themselves
with promismg to procure employment for particular
sections of the people in particular trades, such as coal-
mimng, or the cotton mdustry, others promised to find
‘Work for AH’, and among these must be numbered
the prisoner George, whose generous behef in his own
capacity to find remunerative employment for all our
citizens made a special impression on some of the
witnesses
There is very httle evidence that their promises have
in fact been carried out, but that is not a relevant
consideration The charge is one of bribery, not of
deceit or false pretences (though that aspect of the
matter may call for mqmry on some other occasion) It
IS sufficient for the prosecution m this case to prove that
the undertakings were made and that votes were given
in return for them.
It may occur to you, gentlemen, members of a later
generation than my own, to inquire why these facts, if
proved, should constitute an offence The answer is
that m the year 1854 ^ very different view of the nature
and responsibihties of the vote was held from that
which IS common to-day In the much-abused nme-
teenth century the exercise of the sufifirage was valued
more as a pubhc duty than as a pnvate right. Men
voted, or were expected to vote, after long mternal
debate, for reasons directed to the general welfare, to
remove an mcompetent Ministry, to uphold the honour
or save the soul of their country, to 'defend rehgion or
succour ihe oppressed, but not to advance their personal
fortunes And Parliament, m the statutes already
cited, took special steps to secure that the vote should
never be bartered for private material gam, whether m
the shape of money, place, or employment
All this, as some of the prisoners confessed, almost
with pride, has changed It is now a commonplace for
Parliamentary candidates to mvite the support of the
voter by the simple assurance that, if they are elected,
the voter will receive more money, more food, and more
material pleasure It is odd, perhaps, that this increase
of materialism in pohtics should coincide with the
advent to power of certain political parties which claim
a monopoly of ideals, but it is the fact The result is
that the vote is generally regarded not as a precious
instrument by which each man may do his country
good, but as a weapon of offence or cajolery by which
his country may be influenced to satisfy lus material
desires
If this is the state of the public mmd (and that is not,
I think, m dispute), it follows that those laws which
govern the conduct of elections must be enforced with
especial seventy and watchfulness Our conditions, in
some cases our consciences, may have changed, but the
law remains the same It is an offence to persuade the
citizen to vote for this man or for that by holding out
promises to provide him with employment, for this is
to corrupt the character not only of the candidate but
of the voter It is also to brmg mto the arena of pohtical
warfare matters of trade and industry which are much
better left out of it, but that is by the way There is no
doubt m my mmd, and there can be httle in yours, that
this offence — ^the offence of bribery — ^has been commit-
ted by all the pMsoners The penalties provided by
the Act are heavy> but you must not be deterred by
that consideration from brmging in a true verdict The
penalties are twelve months’ imprisonment, with or
without hard labour (or a fine of two hundred pounds),
deprivation of the suffrage for seven years, and removal
from and disqualification for any public office, and if
the offender be a candidate, he also loses his seat (if
elected) and is disqualified for ever from representmg
the constituency Gentlemen, you will now consider
your verdict
The jury, without leaving the box, found all the
pnsoners guilty, and m imposing the maximum
sentences the judge said
I have decided to inflict imprisonment rather than
a fine m order to ensure that none of these persons
shall be free to take part m the approachmg General
Election It has been urged before me that the sudden
mcarceration of the whole Cabmet may cause some
trouble, but I am satisfied that the mconvenience will
be both trifling and temporary Two hundred Members
of the House of Commons will stiU remam at large, and
these should without difficulty be able to provide a
Government I may add that these proceedmgs were
taken at the instance of a Mr Albert Haddock, and
the nation has to thank him, not for the first time, for
his enterprise and pubhc spirit
Note — ^This case, decided m January, 1931, had a profound influence
upon the technique of pphtics In the election which followed the
‘crisis’ of the autumn, 1931, His Majesty’s Ministers vied with each
other in promismg the electors not benefits but blows ‘We have
reduced,’ they said, ‘your wages and your allowances and increased
your taxes, and if we arc elected there may be worse to come * The
more they threatened and bullied the people the more the people
cheered The Government was returned to power by an imparalleled
majority, while those who promised the people more work and higher
wag^ and allowances were almost obhtcratcv
Wednesday, October 13, 2004
Westminster Bribery Case
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